By Michael D. Wiatrowski, Nathan Pino
Is it attainable to create democratic kinds of policing in transitional and constructing societies? This quantity examines this query from an international point of view by means of assessing the hindrances inhibiting switch and exploring the opportunity of democratic policing in international locations making the transition towards democracy. The editors' argue that policing types and practices promoted via the west are usually insufficient for adoption through international locations making democratic transitions simply because they don't handle matters reminiscent of human rights, fairness, co-production, responsibility, openness, organizational swap, and different comparable difficulties properly. accordingly, police reform is usually restricted to a "one dimension suits all" technique. This quantity bridges this hole through combining sociology, criminology, improvement, political technology, and different disciplines to extend the discussion in order that discussions of democratic policing worldwide are extra real looking, complete, and delicate to the neighborhood context. unique case experiences on Iraq, South Africa, Northern eire, and Kazakhstan supply a practical evaluate of the present country of policing. The editors' use the reports to indicate the way to advertise democratic policing and different very important pursuits of democratic reform worldwide. the amount will support teachers, coverage makers, NGOs, and others in tailoring a neighborhood democratic policing procedure inside a broader framework that makes an attempt to augment socioeconomic improvement and citizen capability, construct social capital, decrease numerous varieties of clash, aid human rights and different precious objectives that to this point haven't been thought of jointly.
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Additional info for Democratic Policing in Transitional And Developing Countries (Interdisciplinary Research Series in Ethnic, Gender and Class Relations)
While it is true that some countries without social capital (characterized by a lack of trust, high levels of political apathy and cynicism, weak norms of reciprocity, and corruption) can be stable, these countries are unlikely to develop a “comprehensive democratic system that enables citizens to fully exercise their rights of expression, conscience and participation” (Stolle and Hooghe 2003: 232). On the contrary, these countries are likely to have governments less responsive to citizen demands, higher levels of police indifference and abuse, and offer fewer chances for economic development.
Goldsmith (2003) notes that foreign military and security aid often work toward militarizing the police to deal with drug and other problems. Anti-crime measures become more repressive, and media attention on crime increases the amount of fear of crime and the amount of mistrust citizens have in public institutions. The poor may end up supporting repressive police measures to reduce crime even though they are the most likely to suffer from such treatment (Neild 1999). Assessing the Obstacles 35 Police reform in these societies emerges out of the need to provide security for different political groups and participants and to demobilize former combatants and organized crime.
Furthermore, citizens who are treated poorly by their government are Assessing the Obstacles 27 less likely to trust each other, and this inhibits the development of social capital (Stolle and Hooghe 2003). International assistance International donors rarely offer comprehensive forms of aid to post-conflict states. For example, donors supplying help for security and civilian police monitors and trainers do not offer other forms of developmental assistance (Neild 2001). Also, the lack of a normative framework for police reform hinders the development of a more strategic plan that would support filling the gaps between security-sector reform and the building of the rule of law (Nield 2001: 38).